Saudi Arabia Today

Table of Contents (hide)

Introduction

As the birth place of Islam and host to its two holiest shrines in Makkah (Mecca) and Madinah (Medina), Saud Arabia plays a significant role to the world’s 1.2 billion Muslims who pray facing Makkah five times a day. Additionally, Saudi Arabia sits atop around one-fourth of the world’s known oil reserves and is the world’s largest net oil exporter, lubricating the wheels of the world’s global economy. Islam and oil are the defining characteristics of Saudi Arabia today and have played a pivotal role in preventing the world from challenging the oppressive policies of the Saudi regime. Given its religious and ethnic diversity and natural regional separation, Saudi Arabia is a candidate for a federal democratic political structure. Under a democratic, secularly educated and enlightened leadership, the Saudi assets of oil and religion, could play a constructive role in the stability, prosperity and security of the Saudi people, the Middle East and the global community. Oil revenues must be privatized and used to build modern institutions, provide nonsectarian education and diversify the economy. A moderate interpretation of Islam can be used to eradicate divisions within Saudi society and to embrace other peoples, regardless of their religious beliefs and national origin. Realization of the two above essentials is a prerequisite to tangible, sustainable democratic and economic reforms in a country that desperately needs both. Without these reforms, internal discontent may lead to violence, domestically or internationally at the hands of Saudis or to foreign intervention to secure energy sources and ensure economic stability. Contrary to announcements about reform made by the Saudi government and its beneficiaries, Saudi Arabia is becoming increasingly unstable. The only alternative to violence, extremism and strife within Saudi Arabia is a comprehensive political, social, and economic transformation.

Back to Table of Contents

Origins of the Wahhabi-Saudi Alliance

In the middle of the eighteenth century in the poverty-stricken and secluded Nejd region, the Saud family and Wahhabi religious extremists agreed to support one another. The alliance between Muhammad ibn Saud and Muhammad Abd al-Wahhab was essential to gaining and maintaining religious and economic control from the start. The two groups have distinct agendas, but share a desire to rule and control. The royal family has traditionally used the Wahhabi conservative brand of Sunni Islam to justify its rule. Today, many Wahhabi traditions prevent the Kingdom from making the political adaptations that would allow its people to thrive. Mohammed Ibn Abdul Wahhab decreed that all Muslims had dangerously strayed away from the “straight path” and had to be brought back to the faith in accordance with his narrow interpretation of Islam.

Back to Table of Contents

Driven by Economic Gains

The people of Nejd were poor, restless and isolated. Wahhabism provided them with a perceived purpose, a sense of empowerment, social codes, and hope for a better life. Saudi-Wahhabi religious soldiers cleverly used religious terminology and decrees to mobilize a mercenary movement to overcome the fierce opposition to their aggression. Much as Al-Qaeda does today, they recruited the desperate and poor to die for them in the name of God and Islam. Those who resisted “Hul Altawhid”, the Wahhabi-Saudi religious soldiers, were tortured or killed. The Saudi-Wahhabi soldiers moved throughout the Arabian Peninsula, invading and conquering villages and tribes wherever they went. While their declared objective was to purify Muslims, their actions made it clear that their real goal was total hegemony over most of the Arabian Peninsula.

Back to Table of Contents

Division of Power in the Saudi State

Once the different tribes and groups were coerced into a precarious and unnatural statehood in 1932, the original pact between the followers of Ibn Abdul Wahhab and Ibn Saud dynasties was cemented and a division of power was finalized. The House of Saud was to be in charge of economy, politics and security. The Wahhabis assumed religious, social, educational and judicial duties. With the exception of a few skirmishes in the late 1920s and late 1970s, this division of power worked well for the Saudi-Wahhabi alliance until recently when younger Saudis have become dissatisfied with the House of Saud’s ruling policies and imposition of double standards.

Back to Table of Contents

Imposition of Wahhabism

Prior to the Saudi-Wahhabi takeover, the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of what became Saudi Arabia belonged to different brands and sects of Islam. Many of them were socially, politically and commercially more advanced than their Saudi-Wahhabi conquerors. A large segment of the population was governed by consensus and, in some cases—especially in the Hijaz region—by elected councils and secular forms of government. Nonetheless, they were coerced into accepting the rigid interpretation of Islam presented by Wahhabism, the official religion of the land. Pre-existing laws, regulations and codes of conduct were nullified and replaced by the strict social codes of Wahhabism, which were based on a rigid reading of the Koran.

Back to Table of Contents

Introduction of Coercive and Divisive Measures

The newly formed country, named after the Saud family, was named Saudi Arabia. Apart from imposing Wahhabism on all inhabitants of the conquered territories, the new rulers moved quickly to confiscate prime real estate for their private use, impose heavy taxes, destroy some of the regions most beautiful religious shrines, and introduce a strict social and dress code, especially for women. Women were and are subjected to a stringent code of conduct by the men governing the country who wish to keep women relegated to a subservient status and to exonerate the government from meeting political, social and economic obligations to one-half of its population. Women are forbidden from driving in Saudi Arabia, men and women are strictly segregated in restaurants, hospital waiting rooms, and buses—where women ride in the back of the bus even if it is not filled—and, in some cases, within their own homes. This discrimination has deprived the country of the skills and contributions of one-half of its population. Currently, all forms of entertainment are forbidden under the Saudi-Wahhabi social codes. There are no movie houses, night clubs, bars, theaters or even stages for performances in Saudi Arabia. Saudi artists must travel abroad to record their music because no recording studios are allowed in the country. Birthdays, weddings and anniversaries cannot be celebrated publicly, as they are considered “inventions” of the infidels, and therefore, are not tolerated. Those who violate these government sanctioned social norms face imprisonment, flogging in public squares, job termination and general social disgrace. Only traditional rituals founded in Wahhabi-Islam are accepted, reinforced and praised. Magazines, books and newspapers that have the slightest hint of sexual content or political criticism of the Saudi rulers or Wahhabism are banned from the country. Saudi exposure to the outside world is among the lowest in the world. Ironically, the Saudi monarchy spends billions of dollars annually in European, American, Asian, Lebanese and Egyptian bars, night clubs, and movie houses—the very amenities that are denied to the Saudi population at home.

Back to Table of Contents

Crippling Dependency

The Saudi people are subject to stifling economic, social, and political controls. No expression of dissent is tolerated and critics of the state are regularly arrested and held without charge and basic due process guarantees. No representative institutions or political parties exist and there is no freedom of assembly or speech. Independent organizations, political parties and labor unions are all prohibited. The government is the largest employer in the land, controlling public utilities, the oil industry, religious and educational institutions, ground and air transportation, and the health care system, with the exception of a few small clinics. Most people depend entirely on the government for food, clothing, protection, and education, preventing Saudi Arabians from developing skills to become productive members of global society.

Back to Table of Contents

Divide and Conquer

Geographically, Saudi Arabia is divided into five major regions. Historically, each region was inhabited by a distinct group of people, each with its own way of life, dress code and religious affiliation. These natural historical divisions have kept the groups apart and suspicious of one another. The ruling elites seized upon these pre-existing divisions to further isolate people from each other and to promote the government’s paternal role as peacekeeper, resulting in an absence of national unity and the existence of national institutions that are unable to address the diverse needs of all segments of the population.

Back to Table of Contents

The “Western Paradox” & Expatriates

A full one-third of the Saudi population is comprised of foreigners. Without these workers, many of which are non-Muslims, the Saudi economy would collapse. The Saudi ruling family learned in the early 1950s that an organized work force and aspiring middle class would weaken its tight grip on its captive population. At that time, the oil industry employees in Eastern Saudi Arabia organized and carried out a major peaceful strike against low wages, substandard living conditions and the lack of labor unions to represent their interests. This first and, to date, last strike in Saudi Arabia shook the foundation of the House of Saud. When the workers defied the government’s call for obedience, the leaders of the strikers were incarcerated and tortured. Some were able to flee the country, only to be tracked down and killed by Saudi agents later. These events led the Saudi ruling family and foreign oil operators to rethink their employment strategy. The regime started, and continues, to hire more expatriates than indigenous people. This hiring practice permeates the government and private employment sectors. Saudis are bypassed in favor of cheap, submissive laborers, mostly from poorer Asian or African countries, who accept any terms without complaint due to their constant fear of arrest or deportation. The Saudi monarchy has also enacted rigid measures to keep the native population isolated from foreigners and expatriates. Non-Saudis are forbidden from entering any part of the country without specific working, diplomatic or sponsorship visas. Upon entry to the country, the passports of non-diplomats are confiscated by their employers or sponsors and the passport bearer becomes a virtual hostage of their sponsor until departing the country. Visiting foreigners are required to stay within the confines of their assigned residential quarters; hence, avoiding any exchange of knowledge, experiences, or ideas between the expatriates and Saudi Arabia’s native people. Despite recent pledges for the “Saudization” of the workforce, the 2004 statistical report from the Saudi Ministry of Economy and Planning, acknowledged that non-Saudis account for 67% of the Kingdom’s labor force. Other estimates set this figure as high as 85 to 90%. The implementation of the Saudization initiative has thus far fallen well short of expectations, since the government’s official target for 2004 was to have at least 45% of private sector jobs held by Saudi citizens. These measures have been accompanied and reinforced by compulsory religious education that depicts other peoples and their faiths as nothing more than deviant and corrupt, bent on destroying Muslims and their faith, and turning them against God and their entrusted rulers. Saudi religious and educational institutions teach distrust and hatred of the “infidels” in their midst, namely Christians and Jews. This hatred is bred at the same time that the products that Saudis consume, from medicine to technology to food are largely produced by these same “infidels.”

Back to Table of Contents

Staggering Unemployment

In the meantime, official unemployment estimates for Saudi Arabia range from 10 to 30% (Ministry of Labor statistics, May 5, 2004). Unemployment is particularly endemic amongst the younger generation. An August 31, 2004 article in the Washington Post confirms, the Saudi government maintains that “the Saudi unemployment rate [stands] at 10 percent; although economists say it is more than three times that for Saudi males under 35 years of age and 90% for Saudi women.” The Saudi government arrives at its official estimate by measuring only within the pool of male Saudis who say they want jobs or already have them. A pro-government survey from 2001 found that this pool consisted only of half of all male citizens of working age. (Washington Post, August 31, 2004, p. A01).

Back to Table of Contents

Societal and Institutional Stagnation

Before his death in 1953, King Ibn Saud passed the rights of governance to his sons and grandsons. This arrangement excluded many members of the Saudi population, especially women and religious minorities, from holding decision-making positions, contributing to the building of a modern nation, and reaching technological advances. As a result, Saudi Arabia lacks a responsive leadership, democratic institutions, proper management and an accountable and transparent economic system. This has resulted in a growing multitude of discontented citizens, evidenced by Saudi Arabia’s high unemployment, $180 billion of national debt and increasing attacks by restless young Saudis on innocent people.

Back to Table of Contents

Oil Based and Driven Economy

The Saudi economy and external relations are fueled by the world’s energy needs. Revenues from oil and oil by-products have been the country’s main source of income and have kept the regime afloat from the start. Income from oil sales flow directly to the King’s treasury, and he alone decides how the money will be spent, after his extended family takes the revenues they want. A sizable portion of the oil revenues is spent on palaces, luxurious yachts and customized planes. Hundreds of billions of dollars are invested in the name of the ruling family overseas, especially in European and American markets and treasuries. Oil and its revenues have also been used to buy foreign support and protection for the ruling princes. Government spending lacks accountability and transparency. National budgets and funding for national programs are delayed and in some cases never disclosed. Public discourse regarding how national revenue is spent is not tolerated.

Back to Table of Contents

Total Monopoly

The Saud family’s control of the decision-making process rests in the hands of a few elderly princes: King Abdullah, the Minister of Defense and the Minister of Interior, all of whom are in their late seventies and early eighties. The country’s interests and movement towards progress take a back seat to the ruling family’s personal agenda and power struggles. Having full control over the national income, security apparatus, utilities, transportation, radio and television, as well as educational and religious institutions, gives the ruling family total command over every aspect of its citizens’ lives. This system is keeps individuals from becoming self-reliant, independent, and creative citizens. Assertiveness, work ethic, and productivity remain virtually alien concepts to the majority of Saudi Arabians.

Back to Table of Contents

The US-Saudi Nexus and the Price of Stability

Access to oil and the huge profits it generates have always been at the heart of US-Saudi relations. American companies were given lucrative contracts in the early 1930′s to find, refine and market Saudi oil. A substantial portion of the oil revenue is used to extract favorable concessions and purchase influence from individuals, companies and governments, including the United States and its European allies. Hundreds of billions of dollars that could be used to raise the Saudi quality of life and create new industries inside Saudi Arabia are invested in US and European markets and treasuries for the benefit of the royal family instead. These practices complement the strategic relationship that was forged between American companies and the Saudi royal family when oil was discovered in Saudi Arabia in the 1930s. In order to secure unfettered American access to Saudi oil, consecutive US administrations since 1945 have pledged American protection of the Saudi ruling family from external and internal threats. In return for this protection, successive Saudi kings have given US companies a virtual monopoly over Saudi oil exploration, production and marketing. In addition to lucrative contracts for US oil consortiums, major military and other contractors have been the recipients of most Saudi construction, consulting and training contracts. While the oil enterprise thrived, modernization of the Saudi political, economic and social institutions was left unattended by the ruling family and intentionally disregarded by American and European media, officials and business leaders. For decades, the message sent by the Western world to the Saudi ruling princes has been unequivocal: the international community will remain indifferent to, and tacitly complicit in, the most egregious of Saudi domestic policies, as long as its economic interests continue to be sufficiently protected. Short-term economic gains spurred an international policy of maintaining the status-quo, rhetorically justified by the need for “stability” in the Middle East. For too long, western democracies looked the other way in the face of severe violations of human rights, the exploitation of millions, and the incubation of religious extremism in Saudi Arabia.

Back to Table of Contents

September 11, 2001 Exposed the Price of Stability

The events of September 11, 2001 tragically demonstrated that the policy of indifference to Saudi policies can no longer be tolerated, much less ignored. Supporting “stability” above all else has been exposed as the shortsighted and dangerous policy that it is. Further terrorist attacks and events since the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington, DC have underscored this point and shown that the international community is faced with a deadly and unremitting enemy, to whose creation and flourishing Saudi practices contribute greatly. Extremism nurtured in Saudi Arabia threatens not only Muslim and Arab states, but the international order as well. The Secretary of State, Dr. Condoleezza Rice, has acknowledged that for too long the US believed that “stability could be bought at the expense of freedom and liberty. What we bought was extremism.” Similarly, President Bush declared in February 2004 that “for too long, American policy looked away while men and women were oppressed, their rights ignored and their hopes stifled. That era is over and we can be confident.” The President went on to compare the Arab Middle East with Japan and Germany before their liberation in World War II and with Eastern Europe under Communist rule: “As in Germany, and in Japan, and Eastern Europe, liberty will overcome oppression in the Middle East.” These declarations and others like them have created an unprecedented discussion on reform in the Middle East and especially in Saudi Arabia. Within Saudi Arabia, progressive citizens have begun to demand democratic reforms. Hundreds of Saudis have now signed petitions requesting a constitutional government, equality for women, and religious freedom. Over the course of the past three years, such petitions have been submitted to then-Crown Prince Abdullah who has promised reform in response to international pressure. These basic steps towards change are revolutionary, considering that before September 11, 2001, merely mentioning democracy, a constitutional government, or religious freedom in Saudi Arabia could have cost an individual his or her life. The time for a peaceful democratic transition, empowerment of citizens and religious tolerance in Saudi Arabia is not only long overdue, but has become an urgent necessity. Sadly, the fifth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks has passed without a focus on how Saudi Arabia continues to perpetuate threats to the world order.

Back to Table of Contents

Who’s threatened by a democratic system in Saudi Arabia?

Resistance to genuine democratic reform in Saudi Arabia comes mainly from two groups. First, the Saudi ruling family seeks to keep complete control over the country. Second, the extremists who want to overthrow the royal family and reshape the country in accordance with religious extremism. Osama bin Laden and his Al-Qaeda recruits have been able to build up substantial support amongst Saudis because of their calls to rid the country of the “corrupt and morally bankrupt” House of Saud. [However, they would not replace the Saudi system with a democratic one.] The House of Saud and the forces of terrorism they are responsible for creating now find themselves increasingly in opposition to one another. There is, however, a third option for the future of Saudi Arabia besides religious extremists or authoritarian ruling elites: A genuine democratization process that will empower the Saudi people to rule themselves. The need for this process is underscored by recent objective indicators of the Saudi regime’s performance in implementing much needed reforms. According to a 2004 Freedom House survey, which comparatively rates the level of freedom in 196 independent countries around the world, Saudi Arabia is ranked at the very bottom of the list, in the least free category of countries of the world: Not Free. Saudi Arabia, which some continue to call a valuable and reliable ally of the United States, is joined in this category by Cuba, North Korea, Sudan, Syria, Burma, Libya, and Turkmenistan. On September 15, 2004, the US State Department released its Annual Report on International Religious Freedom, in which it designated Saudi Arabia a “Country of Particular Concern,” a title reserved only for those “nations guilty of particularly severe violations of religious freedom” (State Department, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, website for International Religious Freedom, September 2004). The only other countries that received this most severe condemnation are among the world’s least free nations as rated by Freedom House—North Korea, Burma, and Sudan. A comparison of the international attitude towards each of these four countries makes clear that a serious re-assessment of the international community’s relationship with the Saudi regime is warranted, especially since a combined look at these two studies reveals that Cuba, Iran and Syria actually rank better than the United States’ so-called valued ally, Saudi Arabia. The Saudi ruling family’s oppressive policies, religious intolerance and educational curriculum are at the root of international religious terrorism and the subsequent loss of innocent lives. The system must be replaced with a non-sectarian, democratic, and constitutional political structure which will restore the Saudi people’s faith in themselves and their ability to succeed. Such a system will enable Saudis to build a society that respects the rule of law and the rights of all peoples, regardless of religious, ethnic, social and political orientations. The international community, particularly the political and business leaders of the United States and Europe, can and should play a major role in the peaceful realization of a democratic political structure in Saudi Arabia to replace the one that has caused and continues to cause violence and repression within Saudi Arabia, and by extension, around the world.

Back to Table of Contents